Paul Dundes Wolfowitz (born December 22, 1943) is a former United States
Ambassador to
Indonesia,
U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense, and President of the
World Bank. He is currently a visiting scholar at the
American Enterprise Institute, working on issues of international
economic development,
Africa and
public-private partnerships,
[2] and chairman of the
US-Taiwan Business Council.
[3] As Deputy Secretary of Defense, he was "a major architect of President Bush's
Iraq policy and ... its most hawkish advocate."After serving two years, he resigned as president of the World Bank Group "ending a protracted and tumultuous battle over his stewardship, sparked by a promotion he arranged for his companion."
The second child of Jacob "Jack" Wolfowitz (1910–1981) and Lillian Dundes, Paul Wolfowitz "was born in Brooklyn, New York, into a Polish Jewish immigrant family, and grew up mainly in Ithaca, New York, where his father was a professor of statistical theory at Cornell University."[10][11] "In addition to being prolific in research" and "very well read," according to Shelemyahu Zacks, Jacob Wolfowitz "fought at the time for the liberation of Soviet Jewry. He was a friend and strong supporter of the state of Israel, AIPAC member and had many friends and admirers there."[12] Strongly influenced by his father, according to Eric Schmitt, Paul Wolfowitz became "a soft-spoken former aspiring-mathematician-turned-policymaker ... [whose] world views ... were forged by family history and in the halls of academia rather than in the jungles of Vietnam or the corridors of Congress ... [His father] ... escaped Poland after World War I. The rest of his father's family perished in the Holocaust."[13] (Here Eric Schmitt is mistaken as Jacob Wolfowitz simply emigrated.)
As a boy, Wolfowitz devoured books about the Holocaust and Hiroshima—what he calls 'the polar horrors'".[4] Speaking of the influence of the Holocaust on his views, Wolfowitz said:
"That sense of what happened in Europe in World War II has shaped a lot of my views ... It's a very bad thing when people exterminate other people, and people persecute minorities. It doesn't mean you can prevent every such incident in the world, but it's also a mistake to dismiss that sort of concern as merely humanitarian and not related to real interest."[13]
Before first moving to Ithaca, in the fall of 1952 for his father's new post, the Wolfowitzes lived in Manhattan: "I was born in Brooklyn but we grew up in Manhattan, one block down on Morningside Drive ... from the President of Columbia who for part of that time was Dwight Eisenhower."[14][15] After teaching for a year at Cornell, his father took a year long sabbatical and was accompanied by his family, spending half the time at UCLA, and half at the University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign. In 1957, Paul Wolfowitz lived in Israel, while his father was a visiting professor at the Israel Institute of Technology (Technion IIT), in Haifa.[12][5]
Wolfowitz took classes at Cornell University while still a student at Ithaca High School.[16] In the mid-1960s, while they were both undergraduate students at Cornell, he met Clare Selgin, who later became an anthropologist. They married in 1968, had three children, lived in Chevy Chase, Maryland, separated in 1999, and, according to some sources, became legally separated in 2001 and divorced in 2002.[10][11][5][17][18]
In late 1999, Wolfowitz began dating Shaha Ali Riza. Their relationship led to controversy later, during his presidency of the World Bank Group.[5][19]
Wolfowitz speaks five languages in addition to
English; "Wolfowitz taught himself
Arabic in the 1980s, when he was working at the State Department," and "He also speaks
French,
German,
Hebrew, and
Indonesian."
Cornell University
Wolfowitz entered Cornell University in 1961, on full scholarship. He was a member of the Telluride Association, a non-profit organization founded in 1910.[11] He lived in the Telluride House through academic year 1962 to 1963, while philosophy professor Allan Bloom served as a faculty mentor living in the house.[11] Schmitt observes that Wolfowitz first "became a protégé of the political philosopher Allan Bloom, and then of Albert Wohlstetter, the father of hard-line conservative strategic thinking at the University of Chicago."[13] In August 1963, "when he was nineteen, he and his mother attended the civil-rights march on Washington organized by Martin Luther King, Jr. and others".[5][11]
Though he "majored in mathematics and chemistry ... he was profoundly moved by John Hersey's Hiroshima and shifted his focus toward politics. 'One of the things that ultimately led me to leave mathematics and go into political science was thinking I could prevent nuclear war,' he said."[13]
Wolfowitz graduated in 1965 with a Bachelor's degree degree in mathematics and chemistry. Against his father's wishes, Wolfowitz decided to go to graduate school to study politics.[11]
University of Chicago
Following his graduation from Cornell, Wolfowitz attended the University of Chicago in order to study under Leo Strauss. He completed his PhD dissertation under Albert Wohlstetter. In the summer of 1969, Wohlstetter arranged for his students Wolfowitz, Wilson, and Richard Perle to join the Committee to Maintain a Prudent Defense Policy which was set up by Cold War architects Paul Nitze and Dean Acheson.
From 1970 to 1972, Wolfowitz taught in the Department of Political Science at Yale University, where one of his students was I. Lewis "Scooter" Libby.[20]
In 1972, Wolfowitz earned a Ph.D. in political science from the University of Chicago, writing his doctoral dissertation on "nuclear proliferation in the Middle East".
In the 1970s Wolfowitz served as an aide to Democratic Senator Henry M. Jackson, who influenced several neoconservatives, including Wolfowitz and Richard Perle. Jackson "was the quintessential 'Cold War liberal.' He was an outspoken and influential advocate of increased military spending and a hard line against the Soviet Union, while supporting social welfare programs, civil rights, and the labor movement."[22]
In 1972 U.S. President Richard Nixon, under pressure from Senator Jackson, dismissed the head of the U.S. Arms Control and Disarmament Agency (ACDA) and replaced him with Fred Ikle. Ikle brought in a new team including Wolfowitz. Wolfowitz wrote research papers and drafted testimony, as he had previously done at the Committee to Maintain a Prudent Defense Policy. He traveled with Ikle to strategic arms limitations talks in Paris and other European cities. He helped dissuade South Korea from reprocessing plutonium that could be diverted into a clandestine weapons program.
Under President Gerald Ford, the American intelligence agencies had come under attack over their annually published National Intelligence Estimate. According to Mann: "The underlying issue was whether the C.I.A. and other agencies were underestimating the threat from the Soviet Union, either by intentionally tailoring intelligence to support Kissinger's policy of détente or by simply failing to give enough weight to darker interpretations of Soviet intentions." In an attempt to counter these claims, the newly appointed Director of Central Intelligence, George H.W. Bush authorized the formation of a committee of anti-Communist experts, headed by Richard Pipes, to reassess the raw data. Richard Pipes picked Wolfowitz, to serve on this committee, which came to be known as Team B: "'Richard Perle recommended him,' Pipes says of Wolfowitz today [2003, as quoted by Tanenhaus]. 'I'd never heard of him.'"[23]
The team's report, delivered in 1976 and quickly leaked to the press, stated that "All the evidence points to an undeviating Soviet commitment to what is euphemistically called the 'worldwide triumph of socialism,' but in fact connotes global Soviet hegemony," highlighting a number of key areas where they believed the government's intelligence analysts had got it wrong. According to Jack Davis, Wolfowitz observed later:
The B-Team demonstrated that it was possible to construct a sharply different view of Soviet motivation from the consensus view of the [intelligence] analysts and one that provided a much closer fit to the Soviets' observed behavior (and also provided a much better forecast of subsequent behavior up to and through the invasion of Afghanistan). The formal presentation of the competing views in a session out at [CIA headquarters in] Langley also made clear that the enormous experience and expertise of the B-Team as a group were formidable.[24]
The work of
Team B, the accuracy of its conclusions, and its effects on
U.S. military policies remain controversial.
In 1977, during the administration of U.S. President Jimmy Carter, Wolfowitz moved to The Pentagon. He was employed as U.S. Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Regional Programs for the U.S. Defense Department, under then U.S. Secretary of Defense Harold Brown.
In early 1980, Wolfowitz resigned from the Pentagon and went to work as a visiting professor at the
Paul H. Nitze School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS) at
Johns Hopkins University. According to the
Washington Post; "He said it was not he who changed his political philosophy so much as the Democratic Party, which abandoned the hard-headed internationalism of Harry Truman, Kennedy and Jackson."
In 1980, following the election of U.S. President Ronald Reagan, the newly appointed U.S. National Security Advisor Richard V. Allen put together the administration's foreign policy advisory team. Allen initially rejected Wolfowitz’s appointment but following discussions, instigated by former colleague John Lehman, Allen offered Wolfowitz the position of Director of Policy Planning at the U.S. State Department.
President Reagan’s foreign policy was heavily influenced by the Kirkpatrick Doctrine, as outlined in a 1979 article in Commentary by Jeanne Kirkpatrick entitled "Dictatorships and Double Standards".
Although most governments in the world are, as they always have been, autocracies of one kind or another, no idea hold greater sway in the mind of educated Americans than the belief that it is possible to democratize governments, anytime, anywhere, under any circumstances.... (But) decades, if not centuries, are normally required for people to acquire the necessary disciplines and habits.
Wolfowitz broke from this official line by denouncing Saddam Hussein of Iraq at a time when Donald Rumsfeld was offering the dictator support in his conflict with Iran. James Mann points out: "quite a few neo-conservatives, like Wolfowitz, believed strongly in democratic ideals; they had taken from the philosopher Leo Strauss the notion that there is a moral duty to oppose a leader who is a 'tyrant.'" Other areas where Wolfowitz disagreed with the administration was in his opposition to attempts to open up dialogue with the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) and to the sale of Airborne Warning and Control System (AWACS) aircraft to Saudi Arabia. "In both instances," according to Mann, "Wolfowitz demonstrated himself to be one of the strongest supporters of Israel in the Reagan administration."
Mann stresses: "It was on China that Wolfowitz launched his boldest challenge to the established order." After Nixon and Kissinger had gone to China in the early 70s, U.S. policy was to make concessions to China as an essential Cold War ally. The Chinese were now pushing for the U.S. to end arms sales to Taiwan, and Wolfowitz used the Chinese incentive as an opportunity to undermine Kissinger's foreign policy toward China. Instead, Wolfowitz advocated a unilateralist policy, claiming that the U.S. did not need China’s assistance but that the Chinese needed the U.S. to protect them against the far-more-likely prospect of a Soviet invasion of the Chinese mainland. Wolfowitz soon came into conflict with U.S. Secretary of State Alexander Haig, who had been Kissinger’s assistant at the time of the visits to China. On March 30, 1982, The New York Times predicted that "Paul D. Wolfowitz, the director of policy planning ... will be replaced," because "Mr. Haig found Mr. Wolfowitz too theoretical." Instead, on June 25, 1982, George Schultz replaced Haig as U.S. Secretary of State, and Wolfowitz was promoted.
President of the World Bank
In March 2005, Wolfowitz was nominated to be president of the World Bank by U.S. President George W. Bush.[48] Criticism of his nomination appeared in the media.[49] Nobel Laureate in Economics and former chief economist for the World Bank Joseph Stiglitz said: "'The World Bank will once again become a hate figure. This could bring street protests and violence across the developing world.'"[50] In a speech at the U.N. Economic and Social Council, economist Jeffrey Sachs also opposed Wolfowitz: "It's time for other candidates to come forward that have experience in development. This is a position on which hundreds of millions of people depend for their lives ... Let's have a proper leadership of professionalism."
In the U.S. there was some praise for the nomination. An editorial in The Wall Street Journal states: "Mr. Wolfowitz is willing to speak the truth to power ... he saw earlier than most, and spoke publicly about, the need for dictators to plan democratic transitions. It is the world's dictators who are the chief causes of world poverty. If anyone can stand up to the Robert Mugabes of the world, it must be the man who stood up to Saddam Hussein."[52]
He was confirmed and became president on June 1, 2005. He soon attended the 31st G8 summit to discuss issues of global climate change and the economic development in Africa. When this meeting was interrupted by the July 7, 2005 London bombings, Wolfowitz was present with other world leaders at the press conference given by British Prime Minister Tony Blair.
Several of Wolfowitz's initial appointments at the Bank proved controversial, including two US nationals (Robin Cleveland and Kevin Kellems) formerly with the Bush administration, whom he appointed as close advisors with $250,000 tax-free contracts.[53] Another appointee, Juan José Daboub was criticized by his colleagues and others for attempts to change policies on family planning and climate change towards a conservative line."[54][55]
Wolfowitz gave special emphasis to two particular issues. Identifying Sub-Saharan Africa as the region most challenged to improve living standards, he traveled widely in the region. He also made clear his focus on fighting corruption. Several aspects of the latter program raised controversy. Overturning the names produced by a formal search process, he appointed a figure linked to the US Republican party to head the Bank's internal watchdog. Member countries worried that Wolfowitz's willingness to suspend lending to countries on grounds of corruption was vulnerable to selective application in line with US foreign policy interests. In a debate on the proposed Governance and Anti-Corruption Strategy at the Bank's 2006 Annual Meetings, shareholders directed Wolfowitz to undertake extensive consultations and revise the strategy to show how objective measures of corruption would be incorporated into decisions and how the shareholders' representatives on the Bank's Board would play a key role. Following the consultations and revisions, the Board approved a revised strategy in spring 2007.
Wolfowitz's leadership of the World Bank Group
Beginning early in 2007, Fox News published on its website a series of investigative stories on the World Bank, based in part on leaks to Fox of internal bank documents.[71]
On April 11, 2007, Reuters and Al Kamen, in his column in The Washington Post, reported that Wolfowitz and the World Bank board had hired the Williams & Connolly law firm to oversee an investigation into the leaking of internal bank documents to Fox News.[72][73] Those reports cite an internal memo to the bank staff later posted on the internet, dated April 9, 2007, in which the World Bank's general counsel, Ana Palacio, states that the Bank's legal staff was scrutinizing two articles by investigative reporter Richard Behar published on the website of Fox News on January 31 and March 27, 2007.[74] A day after the second report published by Behar, on March 28, 2007, Kamen had disclosed that "Bank records obtained by the Government Accountability Project" documented pay raises in excess of Bank policies given to Shaha Riza[75]
On April 12, 2007 the London Financial Times reported that, in a 2005 memorandum, Wolfowitz had personally directed the Bank's human resources chief to offer Riza a large pay rise and promotion, according to two anonymous sources who told the Financial Times that they had seen the memo.[76] The memo was part of a package of 102 pages of documents publicly released by the bank on April 14, 2007.[76]
On April 14, 2007, after reviewing the 102-page document package, the Financial Times concluded that it was "a potentially fatal blow" to Wolfowitz.[76] In contrast, Fox News concluded that the new documents might offer Wolfowitz a "new lifeline" in the scandal, because the Bank's ethics committee had launched a review of the Riza compensation case in early 2006 and concluded that it did not warrant any further attention by the committee.[77]
Media speculations about Wolfowitz quitting his position as president of the World Bank intensified on April 19, 2007 after his failure to attend a high-profile meeting.[78] The controversy about Wolfowitz's girlfriend Shaha Riza led to disruption at the World Bank when some employees wore blue ribbons "in a display of defiance against his leadership."[79]
World Bank Group's board of executive directors and staffers complained also that Wolfowitz was imposing Bush Administration policies to eliminate family planning from World Bank programs. According to Nicole Gaouette, in her report published in the Los Angeles Times on April 19, 2007, Juan José Daboub—the managing director whom Wolfowitz had appointed who has also been criticized for overly-conservative policies concerning climate change[55] and "a Roman Catholic with ties to a conservative Salvadoran political party"—repeatedly deleted references to family planning from World Bank proposals.[54]
On May 14, 2007 the World Bank committee investigating the alleged ethics violations reported (in part):
- "Mr. Wolfowitz's contract requiring that he adhere to the Code of Conduct for board officials and that he avoid any conflict of interest, real or apparent, were violated";
- "The salary increase Ms. Riza received at Mr. Wolfowitz's direction was in excess of the range established by Rule 6.01";
- "The ad hoc group concludes that in actuality, Mr Wolfowitz from the outset cast himself in opposition to the established rules of the institution"; and
- "He did not accept the bank's policy on conflict of interest, so he sought to negotiate for himself a resolution different from that which would have applied to the staff he was selected to head."[80]
Wolfowitz appeared before the World Bank Group's board of executive directors to respond on Tuesday, May 15, 2007, and, the following day, on Wednesday, May 16, in another board meeting, its executive directors would "consider the report and make a statement later in the week." Adams speculates that "With Mr Wolfowitz so far refusing to step down, the board may need to take radical action to break the stalemate. Members have discussed a range of options, including sacking Mr Wolfowitz, issuing a vote of no confidence or reprimanding him. Some board members argue that a vote of no confidence would make it impossible for him to stay in the job."[81] If the World Bank's board of directors "votes him out," according to Michael Hirsh, in the May 21, 2007 issue of Newsweek, he would be "the first president dismissed in [its] 62-year history ..."[82] By mid-afternoon, Wednesday, May 16, 2007, The New York Times, reported that "after six weeks of fighting efforts to oust him as president ... Wolfowitz began today to negotiate the terms of his possible resignation, in return for the bank dropping or softening the charge that he had engaged in misconduct ..."[83] After recent expressions from the Bush administration that it "fully" supported Wolfowitz as World Bank president and its urging a "fair hearing" for him, President Bush expressed "regret" at Wolfowitz's impending resignation.[84]
On May 17, 2007, in a statement published on its website, the World Bank Group's board of Executive Directors announced that Paul Wolfowitz would resign as World Bank Group president at the end of June 2007; their statement is followed by a statement from Wolfowitz about his tenure as president and his hopes for the World Bank's future success.
Paul Dundes Wolfowitz (1943. december 22. – ), Jacob Wolfowitz matematikus fia, korábban G.W.Bush politikai tanácsadója és az Egyesült Államok védelmiminiszter-helyettese Donald Rumsfeld alatt. Wolfowitz volt a Világbank tizedik elnöke.
Apja Jacob Wolfowitz matematikus volt, aki 1920-ban követte az 1914-ben Lengyelország orosz részéről kivándorolt édesapját. Anyja Lillian Dundes. Számos rokonát a holokauszt során Lengyelországban megölték.
Leo Strauss és Albert Wohlstetter által befolyásolva Wolfowitz neokonzervatívnak számít, aki vehemensen Izrael támogatását, és – az amerikai érdekeltségek biztosítása érdekében – az erős katonai jelenlétet vallja.
Matematika és kémia tanulmányait 1965-ben a Cornell Egyetemen zárta le. A Chicago Egyetemen politikatudományokat tanult.
Wolfowitz folyamatosan váltott a politika és a tanítás területei között. Már 1966–1967-ben kormányzati alkalmazott volt. 1970 és 1973 között a Yale Egyetemen tanított, ebben az időben az amerikai szociáldemokratákhoz (SDUSA), akik az Amerikai Szocialista Párt (SPA) jobboldali szárnyából tevődtek össze, állt közel. 1973-tól négy éven keresztül a Fegyverzetellenőrző és Lefegyverzési Ügynökségnél szolgált, ahol a Szovjetunióval való tárgyalásokon vett részt, és a nukleáris fegyverek elterjedésének megakadályozása témán dolgozott. Disszertációja is erről szólt: Nukleáris fegyverek elterjedése a Közel-Keleten: a nukleáris vízsótalanítás (?) politikája és gazdasága[forrás?]. A téziseiből kiderül, hogy Wolfowitz az atomfegyverek ellen egy izraeli kontrollt képzelt el, mivel az arab országok szintén az atommal való felfegyverkezésben látták a jövőjüket.
2005. március 31-én a Világbank Végrehajtótanácsa, amelyben 184 tagország 24 elnökkel van képviselve, egyhangúlag választotta Paul Wolfowitzot elnökké. Nem volt ellenjelölt. 2005 márciusában jelölte őt a posztra az amerikai elnök. Régóta köztudott volt G. W. Bush kívánsága, miszerint Wolfowitz kerülne a Világbank élére. James David Wolfensohnt követte a hivatalban, aki a tízéves hivatali idő lejárta után 2005. június 1-jén leköszönt posztjáról.
Hagyományosan az USA – mint legnagyobb résztulajdonos – jelöli a Világbank elnökét, miközben a Nemzetközi Valutaalap (IMF) üzletvezetői igazgatóját a szabályok szerint az európaiak nevezik meg.
Wolfowitz jelölése az USA-ban, viszont különösen Európában jelentős kételkedéseket váltott ki. Attól tartottak, hogy Wolfowitz a Világbankot az amerikai érdekek előtérbe helyezésével, a szegényebb országok kárára fogja kormányozni, továbbá Wolfowitz nem rendelkezett megfelelő tapasztalattal a nemzetközi fejlesztéspolitika terén sem. Wolfowitznak sikerült a kételyeket hamar szétoszlatni, amikor Brüsszelben európai fejlesztési politikusokkal ismertette programját – újdonság az intézmény történetében. Hangsúlyozta, hogy nem fog semmilyen konkrét forgatókönyv alapján dolgozni, hanem a Világbankot minden tag értelmében kívánja vezetni.
Wolfowitz elismerte, hogy „hibázott”[1], amikor 2005-ben élettársának és egyben alkalmazottjának Shaha Ali Rizanak jelentős béremelést, illetve pozíció emelkedést biztosított. A Világbank Elnöksége utalásainak következtében Wolfowitz 2007. június 30-án hagyta el a hivatalt.
Márk Rózsavölgyi (born Mordecai ("Motke") Rosenthal, 1789 Balassagyarmat–January 23, 1848, Pest) was a Hungarian composer and violinist. He has been called "the father of csardas".
Rózsavölgyi Márk (eredetileg Rosenthal Mordechai) (Balassagyarmat 1788 körül – Pest, 1848. január 23.) zeneszerző, hegedűművész, a csárdás atyja.
Ryder made several film appearances in 1996, the first in 
Winona Laura Horowitz, 1971. október 29-én a Minnesota állambeli Winonában született (innen kapta keresztnevét). A hippi, szabadszellemű Michael és Cindy Horowitz lánygyermeként jött a napvilágra, ami nagyban meghatározta azt, hogy Winona gyermekkora nem volt szokványos. A Horowitz-család egy technikai vívmányokat nélkülöző kommunában telepedett le a kaliforniai Northernben, ahol Winonának és testvéreinek még tv-nézési lehetőségük sem volt. 
.jpg)
